Vol XIV
March 4, 2025 was a heavy financial-evidence day. The government continued and completed the direct examination of IRS forensic accountant Lacramioara Blackwell, who spent the morning systematically linking every named site operator in the case to kickback payments funneled to Eidleh's four entities (Eidleh Inc., Hope Suppliers, Bridge Logistics, Bridge Consulting and Logistics), totaling over $2.5 million in combined payments. The afternoon cross-examinations by both defense attorneys were largely ineffective at undermining her core findings, though Udoibok (for Bock) scored minor points showing Bock was not a direct signatory to the accounts where the kickbacks went and that cash withdrawals were untraceable. Colich (for Said) elicited that the checks were printed (not handwritten by Said), potentially supporting an argument that Total Financial Solutions — not Said himself — actually prepared the checks. At 3:35 p.m., the government introduced its second forensic accountant, Pauline Roase (FBI, CPA), who traced the entire investigation's genesis, revealed that $246 million flowed to Feeding Our Future sites, and began testimony showing Safari Restaurant spent only 4.1% of its food-program income on actual food. The trial is clearly approaching its end — the government indicated it expected to rest the following day.
The government used this day to complete its 'follow the money' narrative through forensic accountant Lacramioara Blackwell, systematically walking the jury through kickback payments from every major site operator to Abdikerm Eidleh (a Feeding Our Future employee), establishing his corrupt supervisory role. The government then pivoted to Aimee Bock's personal enrichment schemes: the sham sale of The Learning Journey 'daycare center' to Safari Restaurant for $310,000, the School Age Consultants policy-manual scheme netting ~$103,000 from program participants, and the Feeding Our Future II GoFundMe campaign that solicited money from the very sites she sponsored. For defendant Salim Said, the government introduced every bribery count (Z16-Z38) tying specific Cosmopolitan Business Solutions and Salim Limited checks to Eidleh's entities in the days immediately following large Feeding Our Future reimbursements, and placed Salim Said's signature on meal count sheets claiming 5,000-6,000 meals per day. A second forensic accountant (Pauline Roase) was called at day's end to establish scope — $246 million total paid to Feeding Our Future, and a damning 4.1% food-purchase rate for Safari Restaurant despite claiming to serve thousands of meals daily.
- The 4.1% food-purchase rate for Safari Restaurant (Gov. Ex. X3) is the most devastating single piece of evidence in this volume and possibly the trial. Defense counsel must retain a food-service industry expert to testify about legitimate food cost structures in SFSP/CACFP summer meal programs — if bulk/wholesale purchasing, donated food, or different accounting categories can explain a lower food-cost percentage, this must be addressed before trial. - The Total Financial Solutions angle is underdeveloped. Colich raised it but did not pursue it. If Total Financial Solutions (run by Salah's brother/family) printed and processed checks for multiple entities including Cosmopolitan Business Solutions, and if Said simply signed stacks of pre-printed checks as part of normal business operations, this may provide a specific intent defense on the individual bribery counts. Defense counsel should subpoena Total Financial Solutions records immediately. - Blackwell's 'kickback' conclusions are expert opinions based on inference, not direct evidence. She never interviewed Eidleh, never confirmed what services (if any) he provided, and never compared the payments to market rates for site oversight services. A defense expert in food program compliance could testify about what site oversight services legitimately cost. - The Learning Journey sale defense hinges on the value of goodwill and child care expertise. Defense counsel should investigate whether Bock had professional certifications, training programs she developed, or industry connections that could support a $235,000 goodwill valuation. If the sale was reviewed by an attorney (as Blackwell suggested), finding that attorney and their advice would be critical. - The government is close to resting — anticipate a defense case starting the afternoon of March 5. Any defense witnesses defense counsel plans to use in his own trial should be evaluated in light of how this defense team performs; if either defendant calls witnesses that backfire, that informs defense counsel's strategy in his own case.
Blackwell completed her 'follow the money' testimony by tracing kickback payments from numerous program sites (Brava Restaurant, Shamsia Hopes, Evergreen Grocery, Lido Restaurant, SAFE, and the entire Safari group) to Eidleh's entities totaling millions. She then pivoted to Bock's personal enrichment schemes: the Learning Journey daycare center sham sale for $310,000 to Safari Restaurant (with no real assets or goodwill), the GoFundMe campaign funded by program participants, and the School Age Consultants 'policy manual' scheme netting ~$103,000 in checks from sites Bock sponsored — money spent on furniture and a Graceland trip, not policy creation.
Udoibok (for Bock) attempted to distance Bock from the financial schemes by showing she was not a signatory on the Eidleh entity accounts, not an owner of Bridge Logistics or Bet on Better Future, and that cash withdrawals by Hussein were untraceable. He also challenged whether the GoFundMe was geographically restricted (it was not) and whether failed donations could have been caused by Bock (they could not). Colich (for Said) elicited that the bribery-count checks were printed rather than handwritten, suggesting Total Financial Solutions (a bookkeeping firm tied to Salah's brother) may have prepared them, and that Said may not have personally determined check amounts. Neither cross was particularly effective.
Roase testified about the genesis and scope of the investigation: she joined in May 2021 after MDE raised concerns, began with Safari Restaurant (by far the largest recipient), and expanded to over 3,100 financial accounts. She presented Exhibit X55a showing $245 million total deposited from MDE to Feeding Our Future. She then introduced Exhibit X3 comparing Safari Restaurant's pre-pandemic banking (1/3 of revenue spent on food) to its pandemic-era banking (99.7% food program money in; only 4.1% spent on food), and showed $5.6 million going to Safari owners, including $2.1 million to Salim Said through various entities. She also flagged Premium Fresh Produce and Afro Produce as suppliers whose invoices did not reconcile with payments. Her direct examination was cut short at the end of day.
No cross-examination occurred on this day — her direct was cut short at 4:18 p.m. and she will continue the following day.
| Type | Exhibit | Description | Page | Challenge Opportunity |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Financial Record | Gov. Ex. X25, X26 (Eidleh Inc. and Bridge Consulting sources/uses) | Summary financial charts showing all money flowing into and out of Eidleh Inc. ($825,000+ from food program participants) and Bridge Consulting ($1.1 million+), with corresponding cash withdrawals. | [p. 3117-3121] | Blackwell's conclusions that these are kickbacks are her opinion based on bank records alone; no invoice analysis or interview of Eidleh was shown. The payments could theoretically represent legitimate consulting services she cannot rule out solely from bank records. |
| Document | Gov. Ex. HH26 | Purchase of Business Agreement dated August 13, 2021, between The Learning Journey (seller, Aimee Bock) and Cosmopolitan Business Solutions (buyer, Abdulkadir Salah), for $310,000 — $75,000 for equipment and $235,000 for goodwill of a daycare center that never operated. | [p. 3150-3156] | The agreement was reportedly prepared by an attorney (Blackwell acknowledged this), though no attorney's signature appears. Defense could argue the sale was a legitimate business transaction for Bock's child care expertise and goodwill in the field generally, not specific to Southcross. |
| Document | Gov. Ex. S11 | Cashier's check from Cosmopolitan Business Solutions to Aimee Marie Bock for $310,000 dated August 13, 2021. | [p. 3157-3158] | The check itself does not show the source of funds. The tracing back to program money through multiple accounts (S29) is Blackwell's analysis and could be challenged on chain-of-funds methodology. |
| Surveillance | Gov. Ex. S12 | Bank branch video showing Aimee Bock depositing the $310,000 cashier's check into her personal U.S. Bank account on August 13, 2021. | [p. 3158-3159] | Video shows she deposited a check — does not by itself establish fraud. The defense theory would be she lawfully received payment for a legitimate business transaction. |
| Document | Gov. Ex. BB41b | Facebook Messenger exchange between Aimee Bock and Malcolm Watson on December 20, 2021: 'The amount of money I'm going to make tomorrow you should be fucking happy.' | [p. 3192-3193] | Context could be ambiguous — Bock could claim she was referring to any number of legitimate revenue sources. The defense should probe whether 'tomorrow' specifically referred to the December 21 check collection or something else. |
| Document | Gov. Ex. S30 | GoFundMe campaign 'Feed MN' webpage for Feeding Our Future II showing $73,985 raised, organized by Feeding Our Future II (Bock's separate entity), with donation history showing program participants — Salim Said, Abdulkadir Salah, Sharmake Jama, Mekfira Hussein, and others — making donations. | [p. 3181-3189] | GoFundMe is a legitimate fundraising platform. Donations from program participants could reflect genuine community support. Blackwell acknowledged Bock could not control whether donations succeed or fail, and the fundraiser was not geographically restricted. |
| Financial Record | Gov. Ex. X55a | Summary table of all MDE electronic deposits into Feeding Our Future accounts from 2018 through January 2022, showing cumulative total of nearly $245 million, including a $17.8 million single deposit on May 6, 2021. | [p. 3274-3277] | This is a summary exhibit; the underlying bank records would need to be checked for completeness. The government stopped one final $1.5 million payment — meaning not all money claimed was actually paid. |
| Data/Summary | Gov. Ex. X3 (Safari Restaurant sources and uses) | Two-part financial summary comparing Safari Restaurant banking pre-pandemic (Jan 2018 – Mar 2020) versus pandemic-era (Apr 2020 – Jan 2022): pre-pandemic ~1/3 of income spent on food; pandemic era 99.7% of income from food program, only 4.1% spent on food purchases. | [p. 3283-3289] | A food-service industry expert could potentially argue that SFSP/CACFP summer meal programs have different food cost structures than sit-down restaurants. The comparison to pre-pandemic restaurant operations may not be apples-to-apples. Roase acknowledged she is not a food-industry expert. |
| Document | Gov. Exs. Z16-Z38 | Series of checks from Cosmopolitan Business Solutions and Salim Limited LLC to Eidleh entities, each corresponding to a bribery count, each signed by Salim Said, each dated within days of large Feeding Our Future reimbursements to Safari Restaurant. | [p. 3122-3135] | All checks were printed, not handwritten by Said. Total Financial Solutions may have printed them. Said's mere signing does not necessarily establish he determined the amounts or purpose. Defense should explore whether these check amounts were consistent with pre-existing business arrangements. |
| Financial Record | Gov. Ex. X52 | Flow chart showing $44.1 million requested by Feeding Our Future from MDE for the Safari group; $40 million paid; $36.1 million going to defendants/entities; $3.8 million to Brava Restaurant (related party); total $40 million to the Safari ecosystem. | [p. 3278-3279] | The characterization of all these payments as fraudulent assumes the meals were not served — that foundational fact (no real meals) still depends on witness testimony and other evidence, not just financial records. |
Udoibok's cross-examination of Blackwell was disorganized and largely ineffective. His primary strategy — showing Bock was not a signatory to accounts where kickbacks landed — is technically accurate but strategically weak because the government never claimed Bock had direct access to Eidleh's accounts; the theory is she received money indirectly through Eidleh's corrupt oversight and directly through the Learning Journey sale and School Age Consultants. The court had to admonish Udoibok for confusing cross-examination technique. He missed an opportunity to fully develop the 'policy manual' defense (he never asked what the manual contained, how many pages it was, whether it had real commercial value, or whether other organizations purchased similar documents). He also failed to challenge the DHS letter more aggressively — the letter shows Bock applied for a license as early as May 2020 and had contact with DHS in December 2020, suggesting she was not simply operating a fraudulent scheme from day one but may have genuinely attempted to open a daycare before COVID intervened. Colich's cross for Said was brief and focused but did not produce any significant concessions. His best point — that the checks were printed and someone else (Total Financial Solutions) may have prepared them — was raised but not developed with specificity. He should have asked whether Blackwell had any evidence Said was involved in actually writing or preparing the checks, or whether she had ever seen Said communicate about the check amounts.